Based on intensive qualitative research, a doctoral thesis examines the working and living conditions of Polish and Bulgarian migrants residing illegally in Brussels. The author shows that economic migration creates a marginalised labour force – but not an impoverished underclass – of eastern Europeans in the capital city of Belgium.
Research leading to the awarding of a doctorate degree in social sciences has investigated the situation of Polish and Bulgarian workers who illegally migrate to Brussels. The analysis was systematic and in-depth in nature, transcending the often rudimentary knowledge about eastern Europeans in Belgium’s capital city.
Polish and Bulgarian migrants in Brussels were selected as the main research focus to provide a basis for comparative analysis of migration practices from the new European Member States and prospective EU applicant countries. The objective of the study was also to learn about current practices in order to be in a better position to manage future migration from the new EU Member States. Furthermore, the prevalence of these two groups in Brussels played a role in the research group selection process.
Based on a semi-standardised questionnaire – developed exclusively for this study – and extensive interviewing of 228 immigrants, the study offers a comprehensive perspective of the situation of Polish and Bulgarian migrant workers residing illegally in Brussels. It explores their demographic characteristics and household composition, educational profiles and language abilities, the respective reasons for emigrating, strategies for coming to Brussels and coping strategies for living in an illegal situation.
The thesis broadly outlines the working and living conditions of these illegal migrant workers: for example, a standard working week for these workers fluctuates very often between 50 and 60 hours, whereas the statutory working time in Belgium is 38 hours a week. The analysis also compares the situation of these migrants with a group of legal professional emigrants from these countries living in Brussels.
A first conclusion of the study is that contemporary eastern European emigration can only be explained to a limited extent in terms of network migration. The migration network theory considers the cumulative cause of migration to be a result of reduced social, economic and emotional costs of migration due to the formation of migration social networks. In other words, the social networks formed make it easier for more emigrants to follow earlier migrants.
In fact, the experiences of the Polish and Bulgarian migrants surveyed are better understood from the perspective of classic ‘push–pull’ theories of emigration – as a response to economic necessity. Push factors, such as lack of jobs or low pay in their home country, encourage the worker to leave, while pull factors, such as greater employment opportunities and better pay, entice the worker to move to another country. The emigrants and their families are looking for a more prosperous quality of life; they are economic migrants driven by the need to secure income or to increase their household income. The demand for labour in Brussels, which cannot be met by the local labour force, is the other side of this explanatory picture.
Secondly, the study presents arguments against qualifying the illegal eastern Europeans as a new type of underclass in Brussels. In general, they do not live in poverty; and do not depend on any form of social welfare as they earn a decent income. After an initial period of seeking work and establishing a client network, they seldom fall short of work. However, they might be perceived as impoverished, because the objective is to save as much as possible and not spend much money on decent accommodation and clothing. The income savings are used for purchases, such as property or a small business, in their country of origin and for supporting financially dependent family members in the home country.
Although not an underclass, the research nevertheless illustrates that the migrants occupy a rather marginalised position in Belgian society. This is not only due to their illegal status but also to the lack of formal and informal mechanisms for social integration in Brussels. The workers represent a marginalised class of people, who serve to fulfil certain labour market needs in Belgium by providing cheap, flexible and quality labour. The undocumented workers from eastern Europe have mainly taken up employment in the sectors of construction, technical maintenance, cleaning and other private household services.
Thus, the workers have become an indispensable part of the labour market insofar as they are able to offer cheaper services than Belgian companies and workers, deliver quality and provide the flexibility to perform the services at any time or day of the week. Nonetheless, the Polish and Bulgarian migrant workers remain marginalised because they are not integrated in Belgian social life. Besides work, they rarely have contact with Belgians. Although they see themselves as ‘winners’, the Bulgarians in particular – who have a much lower prospect of returning to the home country – face considerable marginalisation. They remain deprived of the chance to join mainstream social institutions, such as health insurance, and have no safe, steady and regulated occupational status.
The Belgian government and social partners have introduced new measures in an effort to stamp out illegal work among migrants (BE0611069I, BE0509303F).
Paspalanova, M., Undocumented and legal eastern European immigrants in Brussels, Doctoral thesis, Social Sciences, Catholic University of Leuven, Leuven, 2006.
In the context of ongoing discussions in response to the Commission’s policy plan in relation to legal migration, in June 2006 the Foundation co-organised with the International Labour Organisation (ILO) a hearing on the role of the social partners in integrating migrant workers (EU0608019I).
Guy Van Gyes, Higher Institute for Labour Studies (HIVA), Catholic University of Leuven